The Founders were not lawless men. Instead, they recognized
a set of laws that exist in nature, regardless of the dictates of tyrants. By studying
these natural laws came to believe themselves justified in seeking independence
from the British Empire. The ideas of natural law and natural liberties were
scarcely known in England before the 1600’s. It is not explicit in the Magna Carta. Rather, over the course of
many years, and citing ancient authorities, learned men demonstrated that these
natural laws and natural liberties exist. In this essay, particular attention
will be given to Sir Edward Coke (pronounced ‘cook’), who was among the
earliest English jurists to expound on natural laws and liberties and integrate
them into English jurisprudence.
Sir Edward Coke |
In this postmodern age, it may seem quaint or far-fetched to
believe in these natural laws and liberties. However, the pox on sound philosophy that is postmodernism has arisen only because equivocating and deracinated reason
has gained supremacy over the manly and vigorous exercise of will,
in the form of a spirit of justice.
Coke identified two traditions in British law. The first,
which he called the Gothic or Anglo-Saxon tradition, was grounded in the
principles of popular consent. The second, Tudor tradition conferred arbitrary
power on the monarch. He championed the former and courageously opposed -- even
after being accused of treason -- the latter.
Habeas Corpus; Due
Process
In the 1628 Petition
of Right, Coke complained before the Crown,
… divers of your subjects have of late been imprisoned
without any cause showed; and when for their deliverance they were brought
before your justices by your Majesty's writs of habeas corpus, there to
undergo and receive as the court should order, and their keepers commanded to
certify the causes of their detainer, no cause was certified, but that they
were detained by your Majesty's special command, signified by the lords of your
Privy Council, and yet were returned back to several prisons, without being
charged with anything to which they might make answer according to the law.
In this, Coke invoked the ancient constitution and argued in
favor of the supremacy of law and due process. These ideas would later find
their way into the U.S. Constitution.
Coke understood, better perhaps than we understand today, that the denial of
due process is a harbinger of tyranny.
Quartering Troops
Coke also articulated what would later appear as the Third
Amendment guarantee that citizens would not be required to quarter troops in
their homes. Today, the Third Amendment may seem antiquated and irrelevant, but
as will be discussed, this is a mistaken idea. Coke said,
… of late great companies of soldiers and mariners have been
dispersed into divers counties of the realm, and the inhabitants against their
wills have been compelled to receive them into their houses, and there to
suffer them to sojourn against the laws and customs of this realm, and to the
great grievance and vexation of the people.
Martial Law
Coke spoke out against the arbitrary imposition of martial
law. In the early 1600s, representatives of the king invoked martial
law when imprisoning or executing civilians, even when martial law was
redundant with criminal law. The difference being, that martial law does not
require due process or a jury of one’s peers.
… sundry grievous offenders, by color thereof claiming an
exemption, have escaped the punishments due to them by the laws and statutes of
this your realm, by reason that divers of your officers and ministers of
justice have unjustly refused or forborne to proceed against such offenders
according to the same laws and statutes, upon pretense that the said offenders
were punishable only by martial law, and by authority of such commissions as
aforesaid; which commissions, and all other of like nature, are wholly and
directly contrary to the said laws and statutes of this your realm.
The Home is A Castle
Coke declared “the house of every one is to him as his
Castle and Fortress as well for defence against injury and violence, as for his
repose.” This was, at the time, an audacious claim. It was taken up by William
Pitt the First, “The poorest man may in his cottage bid defiance to all the
forces of the Crown. It may be frail; its roof may shake; the wind may blow
through it; the storm may enter; the rain may enter; but the King of England
cannot enter - all his force dares not cross the threshold of the ruined
tenement!”
Thus, Coke stood at an early point in the historical
evolution of what would become the Fourth Amendment of the Bill of Rights. And when
Coke’s writings are viewed as a whole, it is apparent that the protection of
citizens against the demand that they quarter troops in their homes, and the
protection of citizens against any arbitrary intrusion by government agents in
their homes, stem from the same idea of liberty. Property, as in the right to
ownership, is fundamental.
The Right to Privacy
In the latter half of the 20th century, conservative
Supreme Court justices have been relentless in whittling away the Right to
Privacy that earlier justices believed is implicit in the Constitution. People who
disagree with Roe vs. Wade understand
that the decision was predicated on a Right to Privacy, and for this reason, are
prejudiced in their attitudes, and feel compelled to voice doubts that such a
right exists. I suggest that, regardless of how one may feel about Roe vs. Wade and abortion rights, it is
a mistake to allow government to usurp the natural right to privacy.
In the Boyd vs. United
States decision of 1886, it was declared, “It does
not require actual entry upon premises and search for and seizure of papers to
constitute an unreasonable search and seizure within the meaning of the 4th
Amendment; a compulsory production of a party's private books and papers to be
used against himself or his property in a criminal or penal proceeding, or for
a forfeiture, is within the spirit and meaning of the Amendment.” The seizure
of potentially incriminating materials from the home is also a violation of the
Fifth Amendment right to be protected against self-incrimination. The 4th
and 5th Amendments relate to each other. Both amendments,
… relate to the personal security of
the citizen. They nearly run into, and mutually throw light upon, each other.
When the thing forbidden in the Fifth Amendment, namely, compelling a man to be
a witness against himself, is the object of a search and seizure of his private
papers, it is an “unreasonable search and seizure” within the Fourth Amendment
(source).
In the case of Silverman vs. United States, the justices decided, "The Fourth Amendment, and the personal rights which it
secures, have a long history. At the very core stands the right of a man to
retreat into his own home and there be free from unreasonable governmental
intrusion … This Court has never held that a federal officer may without
warrant and without consent physically entrench into a man's office or home,
there secretly observe or listen, and relate at the man's subsequent criminal
trial what was seen or heard (source)."
Stupefied by television crime dramas, many Americans have come
to believe that these 4th and 5th Amendment protections
are useful only to criminals seeking to avoid punishment for their crimes.
However, it is essential for Americans to reacquaint themselves with the
origins of these natural rights. These rights have always been intended to
protect citizens from becoming powerless against their own government.
Black domes that conceal security cameras continue to sprout
like vile pustules in our public spaces, our government is increasingly bold in
allowing warrantless surveillance of law-abiding citizens, and our emails are
no longer considered private if they exist on an Internet Service Provider’s
server. Our cell phones relate our location at all times, like an electronic leash. There are words that citizens can write or speak that will invite
harassment by government agents. Millions of Americans are criminals without realizing it, and subject to prosecution for inadvertently violating a website's terms of service (more info here). We can assure ourselves that these encroachments
are designed for our security. But to permit such encroachments by government
is to invite abuses, and it will tempt the powerful with the opportunity to
further increase their power, and be answerable to no one.
For further reading on this important topic, go here.
For further reading on this important topic, go here.
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