On July 11, 1789 the Marquis Lafayette recommended to the
National Assembly that they enact a Declaration
of the Rights of Man. This idea came to fruition during Lafayettes’s long friendship
with George Washington and Thomas Jefferson and his first-hand exposure to the still
relatively new U.S. Constitution and state constitutions. In this short essay,
I remember the Declaration and speak briefly about the political and economic
situation that gave rise to it.
Lafayette was in the enviable position of having these
American documents as a starting point, and the Declaration of the Rights of
Man is more explicit in its language. It clearly identifies “ignorance,
neglect, or contempt of the rights of man” as the sole cause of political and
economic calamities and the corruption of government.
The purpose of the document is also clearly stated: the
rights mentioned the Declaration, “being constantly before all the members of
the Social body, shall remind them continually of their rights and duties; in
order that the acts of the legislative power, as well as those of the executive
power, may be compared at any moment with the objects and purposes of all
political institutions and may thus be more respected.” The subtext here is of interest.
Lafayette clearly expects that ordinary citizens will be able to understand
their rights and decide whether the courts and other organs of government are
protecting these rights. It is supposed to be a means by which the people can
demand a measure of accountability from their political leaders.
The First and Second Estate, crushing the Third. |
More to the point, however, is that the French Declaration
squarely takes aim at the abuses of power by privileged nobles: “Men are born
and remain free and equal in rights. Social distinctions may be founded only
upon the general good.” Social distinctions – such as titles of nobility – were
routinely abused during the ancien regime.
With regard to taxation, the Declaration stated, “a common
contribution is essential for the maintenance of the public forces and for the
cost of administration. This should be equitably distributed among all the
citizens in proportion to their means.”
The Declaration also stated, “The aim of all political
association is the preservation of the natural and imprescriptible rights of
man. These rights are liberty, property, security, and resistance to
oppression.” The resemblance to American conceptions of Natural Rights is
plain, but that added phrase – “resistance to oppression” – is remarkable. When
these words were heard by members of the French colonies and in particular Haitian
slaves, it sparked revolution abroad.
The martial and clerical orders, doing nothing to ease the burden. |
Unmistakably, the Declaration was
a response to the prevailing situation in France during the 1780’s. The country
was, in a word, bankrupt. The king was obliged to indefinitely postpone the
repayment of debt and made arbitrary reductions to interest rates. Thomas
Jefferson, in Paris in 1788, observed with horror Louis XVI's incompetence in
allowing the “wheels of government, even in its most essential movements,” to
stop for lack of money.
An article of the Declaration reads, “Society has the right
to require of every public agent an account of his administration,” and the
motivation behind this is clear. The Royal Government had kept its expenditures
and accounting practices under strict secrecy, and secrecy invites abuses.
Still, one may ask, how had one of
the most prosperous countries in the world come to the brink of economic
collapse? The Crown had squandered public money on a succession of wars. Vast
sums were spent building vast mansions for members of royalty. Gold-plated putti were being churned out by the
dozens. The king had 100 personal servants and his own choir to brighten up his
mornings, performing a new song each day. If he chose, he could hunt in his
private, well-stocked hunting grounds.
The government also freely gave up
sources of revenue by exempting the wealthiest members of society from the
requirement to pay taxes. Members of the First Estate, the clergy, were not
only exempt from paying taxes but had the right to levy taxes and collect dues
from their serfs. Because they owned 10% of all the land in France, they were
in a very strong position to use their power as rentiers to accumulate wealth
and prevent new entrants (e.g., small land-holders) from competing with them.
Members of the Second estate, the
aristocracy, likewise benefited from the twin blessings of being tax exempt and
able to levy taxes without the consent of the people. By virtue of having
documents attesting to their privileged status, they were granted preferment in
terms of employment and financial services. Tradesmen dared not ask a noble for
money up front, and as a result were easily swindled by nobles who’d gambled
and whored away their wealth. Members of neither the First nor Second Estate
were required to perform military service and were granted legal authority over
the serfs occupying their lands.
Part of the problem came from the
fact that the membership of the Third Estate – that is, the 99% – had already
been bled dry. They had no more money to give up in the form of taxes. Nearly
every commercial and economic activity had its own tax. And although the
country had at first managed to escape mass unemployment, but before long the
floodgates were opened to cheap foreign imports. As a predictable result, domestic
manufacturing declined and the ranks of the jobless grew.
In reflecting on the political
context in which the Declaration of the
Rights of Man appeared, and those words, “resistance to oppression,” one
may wonder how many ordinary French truly grasped that they were being
oppressed. After all, it is easy enough to say “this is how it has always been”
and decide that poverty and disenfranchisement does not constitute oppression but
is merely part of the natural order of things. Even when a country squanders
its way into massive debt and puts off its obligations to pay back its debt, engages
in a succession of costly military adventures abroad, permits the accounting of
public money to occur under a veil of secrecy and obscurantism, allows the favored
few to pay no taxes at all even as it heaps new forms of taxation on those who
are least able to pay, and deprives the people of any meaningful interest on
their savings, is it oppression? Or is it necessary to allow the situation to
deteriorate further, to a state of endemic starvation and the brutal suppression
of dissent?
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